Constitution of Ireland

The Constitution of Ireland (Irish: Bunreacht na hÉireann, pronounced [ˈbˠʊn̪ˠɾʲəxt̪ˠ n̪ˠə ˈheːɾʲən̪ˠ]) is the fundamental law of Ireland. It asserts the national sovereignty of the Irish people. The constitution is broadly within the tradition of liberal democracy, being based on a system of representative democracy. It guarantees certain fundamental rights, along with a popularly elected non-executive president, a bicameral parliament, a separation of powers and judicial review.

It is the second constitution of the Irish state since independence, replacing the 1922 Constitution of the Irish Free State.[1] It came into force on 29 December 1937 following a statewide plebiscite held on 1 July 1937. The Constitution may be amended solely by a national referendum.[2] It is the longest continually operating republican constitution within the European Union.[3]

The Constitution of Ireland replaced the Constitution of the Irish Free State which had been in effect since the independence, as a dominion, of the Irish state from the United Kingdom on 6 December 1922. There were two main motivations for replacing the constitution in 1937. Firstly, the Statute of Westminster 1931 granted parliamentary autonomy to the six British Dominions (now known as Commonwealth realms) within a British Commonwealth of Nations. This had the effect of making the dominions sovereign nations in their own right. The Irish Free State constitution of 1922 was, in the eyes of many, associated with the controversial Anglo-Irish Treaty. The anti-treaty faction, who opposed the treaty initially by force of arms, was so opposed to the institutions of the new Irish Free State that it initially took an abstentionist line toward them, boycotting them altogether. However, the largest element of this faction became convinced that abstentionism could not be maintained forever. This element, led by Éamon de Valera, formed the Fianna Fáil party in 1926, which entered into government following the 1932 general election.

After 1932, under the provisions of the Statute of Westminster, some of the articles of the original Constitution which were required by the Anglo-Irish Treaty were dismantled by acts of the Oireachtas of the Irish Free State. Such amendments removed references to the Oath of Allegiance, appeals to the United Kingdom's Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, the British Crown and the Governor-General. The sudden abdication of Edward VIII in December 1936 was quickly used to redefine the Royal connection.[4] Nevertheless, the Fianna Fáil government still desired to replace the constitutional document they saw as having been imposed by the British government in 1922.

The second motive for replacing the original constitution was primarily symbolic. De Valera wanted to put an Irish stamp on the institutions of government, and chose to do this in particular through the use of Irish language nomenclature.

De Valera personally supervised the writing of the Constitution. It was drafted initially by John Hearne, legal adviser to the Department of External Affairs (now called the Department of Foreign Affairs). It was translated into Irish over a number of drafts by a group headed by Micheál Ó Gríobhtha (assisted by Risteárd Ó Foghludha), who worked in the Irish Department of Education. De Valera served as his own External Affairs Minister, hence the use of the Department's Legal Advisor, with whom he had previously worked closely, as opposed to the Attorney General or someone from the Department of the President of the Executive Council. He also received significant input from John Charles McQuaid, the then President of Blackrock College, on religious, educational, family and social welfare issues.[citation needed] McQuaid later became, in 1940, the Catholic Archbishop of Dublin. Other religious leaders who were consulted were Archbishop Edward Byrne (Roman Catholic), Archbishop John Gregg (Church of Ireland), William Massey (Methodist) and James Irwin (Presbyterian).

There are a number of instances where the texts in English and Irish clash, a potential dilemma which the Constitution resolves by favouring the Irish text even though English is more commonly used in the official sphere.

A draft of the constitution was presented personally to the Vatican for review and comment on two occasions by the Department Head at External Relations, Joseph P. Walsh. Prior to its tabling in Dáil Éireann and presentation to the Irish electorate in a plebiscite, Vatican Secretary of State Eugenio Cardinal Pacelli, the future Pope Pius XII, said of the final amended draft: "We do not approve, neither do we disapprove; We shall maintain silence."[5] The quid pro quo for this indulgence of the Catholic Church's interests in Ireland was the degree of respectability which it conferred on De Valera's formerly denounced republican faction and its reputation as the 'semi-constitutional' political wing of the 'irregular' anti-treaty forces.

During the Great Depression, as social polarisation generated campaigns and strikes, Catholic social jurists aimed to forestall class conflict. Taoiseach Éamon de Valera and clericalist advisors such as John Charles McQuaid considered constitutional provisions to incorporate land redistribution, credit system regulation, and welfare rights. Late in the drafting process, however, de Valera re-wrote these initially robust socio-economic rights as non-binding ‘directive principles’, primarily to satisfy the Department of Finance’s preferences for minimal state spending. In line with Ireland’s banks and grazier farming interests, the final wording thus preserved the state's existing currency and cattle trading relations with the United Kingdom.[6]

The text of the draft constitution, with minor amendments, was approved on 14 June by Dáil Éireann (then the sole house of parliament, the Seanad having been abolished the previous year).

The draft constitution was then put to a plebiscite on 1 July 1937 (the same day as the 1937 general election), when it was passed by a plurality. 56% of voters were in favour, comprising 38.6% of the whole electorate.[7][8][9] The constitution formally came into force on 29 December 1937 and, to mark the occasion, the Minister for Posts and Telegraphs issued two commemorative stamps on that date.

Among the groups who opposed the constitution were supporters of Fine Gael and the Labour Party, Unionists, and some independents and feminists. The question put to voters was simply .

"Do you approve of the Draft Constitution which is the subject of this plebiscite?"

When the draft new constitution was published, the Irish Independent described it as one of De Valera's "finest tributes to his predecessors".[11] The Irish Times criticised the constitution's assertion of a territorial claim on Northern Ireland, and the absence in its text of any reference to the British Commonwealth.[11] The London-based Daily Telegraph included in its criticism the special position assigned to the Church of Rome under the new constitution.[11] The Sunday Times concluded it would only help to "perpetuate division" between Dublin and Belfast. The Irish Catholic concluded it was a "noble document in harmony with papal teachings".[11]

When the new constitution was enacted, the British government, according to The New York Times, "contented itself with a legalistic protest".[12] Its protest took the form of a communiqué on 30 December 1937, in which the British stated:[13][14][15]

His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom has considered the position created by the new Constitution ... of the Irish Free State, in future to be described under the Constitution as 'Eire' or 'Ireland' ... [and] cannot recognise that the adoption of the name 'Eire' or 'Ireland', or any other provision of those articles [of the Irish constitution], involves any right to territory ... forming part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland ... They therefore regard the use of the name 'Eire' or 'Ireland' in this connection as relating only to that area which has hitherto been known as the Irish Free State.

The other governments of the British Commonwealth countries chose to continue to regard Ireland as a member of the British Commonwealth.[16] A proposal by the Northern Ireland government that Northern Ireland be renamed "Ulster" in response to the new Irish constitution was aborted after it was determined that this would require Westminster legislation.[16]

The Irish government received a message of goodwill from 268 United States congressmen including eight senators. The signatories expressed "their ardent congratulations on the birth of the State of Ireland and the consequent coming into effect of the new constitution", adding that "We regard the adoption of the new constitution and the emergence of the State of Ireland as events of the utmost importance."[17]

Feminists such as Hannah Sheehy Skeffington claimed that certain articles threatened their rights as citizens and as workers. Article 41.2, for example, equated womanhood with motherhood and further specified a woman’s ‘life within the home’. The Women Graduates’ Association, the Joint Committee of Women’s Societies and Social Workers, together with the Irish Women Workers’ Union mobilised a two-month campaign seeking the provisions’ amendment or deletion.[18]

The Republican Congress also critiqued the constitution’s ‘stone-age conception of womanhood’. Writing in the Irish Democrat, Peadar O’Donnell and Frank Ryan condemned the 1937 Constitution for upholding private property as a sacred, 'natural right' and declaring that capitalism was 'something ordained by Providence forever, amen!' The Congress further opposed the Roman Catholic Church’s position as a ‘State or semi-State church’ in violation of republican principles and an offence to Protestants throughout the island. The ‘Roman Catholic Bishops of the South’, O’Donnell claimed, now functioned as ‘the watchdogs of the private property classes’.[19]

The official text of the Constitution consists of a Preamble and fifty Articles arranged under sixteen headings. Its overall length is approximately 16,000 words. The headings are:

The Constitution also includes a number of "Transitory Provisions" (Arts. 51–63) which have, in accordance with their terms, been omitted from all official texts since 1941. These provisions are still in force but are now mostly spent.

,
In the Name of the Most Holy Trinity, from Whom is all authority and to Whom, as our final end, all actions both of men and States must be referred
,
Humbly acknowledging all our obligations to our Divine Lord, Jesus Christ, Who sustained our fathers through centuries of trial
,
Gratefully remembering their heroic and unremitting struggle to regain the rightful independence of our Nation
,
And seeking to promote the common good, with due observance of Prudence, Justice and Charity, so that the dignity and freedom of the individual may be assured, true social order attained, the unity of our country restored, and concord established with other nations

Interpretation of these provisions has been contentious. The Constitution itself is enrolled in both languages, and in case of conflict the Irish language version takes precedence, even though in practice the Irish text is a translation of the English rather than vice versa. The 1937 Constitution introduced some Irish-language terms into English, such as Taoiseach and Tánaiste, while others, such as Oireachtas, had been used in the Free State Constitution. The use in English of Éire, the Irish-language name of the state, is deprecated.[citation needed]

The Constitution establishes a government under a parliamentary system. It provides for a directly elected, largely ceremonial President of Ireland (Article 12), a head of government called the Taoiseach (Article 28), and a national parliament called the Oireachtas (Article 15). The Oireachtas has a dominant directly elected lower house known as Dáil Éireann (Article 16) and an upper house Seanad Éireann (Article 18), which is partly appointed, partly indirectly elected and partly elected by a limited electorate. There is also an independent judiciary headed by the Supreme Court (Article 34).

Under Article 28.3.3° the Constitution grants the state sweeping powers "in time of war or armed rebellion", which may (if so resolved by both Houses of the Oireachtas) include an armed conflict in which the state is not a direct participant. During a national emergency the Oireachtas may pass laws that would otherwise be unconstitutional, and the actions of the executive cannot be found to be ultra vires or unconstitutional provided they at least "purport" to be in pursuance of such a law. However, the constitutional prohibition on the death penalty (Article 15.5.2°), introduced by an amendment made in 2001, is an absolute exception to these powers.

There have been two national emergencies since 1937: an emergency declared in 1939 to cover the threat to national security posed as a consequence of World War II (although the state remained formally neutral throughout that conflict), and an emergency declared in 1976 to deal with the threat to the security of the state posed by the Provisional IRA.

Article 45 outlines a number of broad principles of social and economic policy. Its provisions are, however, intended solely "for the general guidance of the Oireachtas", and "shall not be cognisable by any Court under any of the provisions of this Constitution" (preamble to Article 45).

The "Directive Principles of Social Policy" feature little in contemporary parliamentary debates. However, no proposals have yet been made for their repeal or amendment.

The "Directive Principles" have influenced other constitutions. Notably, the famous "Indian Directive Principles of State Policy" contained in the Constitution of India are influenced by the Constitution of Ireland.[21] Moreover, the previous Constitution of Nepal adopted in 1962 and in force for 28 years and commonly called Panchayat Constitution contained a verbatim translation of the "Directive Principles" of the Irish constitution.[22][23]

The transitory provisions of the constitution consist of thirteen articles that provide for a smooth transition from the state's pre-existing institutions to the newly established state. Article 51 provides for the transitional amendment of the constitution by ordinary legislation. The remaining twelve deal with such matters as the transition and reconstitution of the executive and legislature, the continuance of the civil service, the entry into office of the first president, the temporary continuance of the courts, and with the continuance of the attorney general, the comptroller and auditor general, the Defence Forces and the police.

Under their own terms the transitory provisions are today omitted from all official texts of the constitution. The provisions required that Article 51 be omitted from 1941 onwards and the remainder from 1938. However, paradoxically, under their own provisions Articles 52 to 63 continue to have the full force of law and so may be considered to remain an integral part of the constitution, even though invisible. This created the anomalous situation that, in 1941, it was deemed necessary, by means of the Second Amendment, to make changes to Article 56 despite the fact that it was no longer a part of the official text.

The precise requirements of the transitory provisions were that Articles 52 to 63 would be omitted from all texts published after the day on which the first president assumed office (this was Douglas Hyde who was inaugurated in 1938) and that Article 51 would be omitted from the third anniversary of this inauguration (1941). Unlike the other articles, Article 51 expressly provides that it would cease to have legal effect once it was removed from the document.

The procedure for amendment of the Constitution is set out in Article 46. An amendment must first be passed by both Houses of the Oireachtas, then be submitted to a referendum, and then finally must be signed into law by the President.

Amendments are sometimes proposed to address a new social problem or phenomenon not considered at the time of the Constitution being drafted (e.g. children's rights, same-sex marriage), to address outmoded provisions in the Constitution (e.g. special position of the Roman Catholic Church, prohibition on abortion), or to attempt to reverse or alter an interpretation of the court through a corrective referendum (e.g. Oireachtas enquiries). Usually referendums are only proposed when there is wide political support for the proposed change.[24]

Article 25.5 provides that from time to time, the Taoiseach may cause an up to date text of the Constitution to be prepared in Irish and in English, embodying all of the amendments made so far. Once this new text has been signed by the Taoiseach, the Chief Justice and the President, it is enrolled on vellum and deposited with the office of the Registrar of the Supreme Court. Once enrolled, the new text becomes conclusive evidence of the Constitution, and supersedes earlier enrolled copies. The Constitution has been enrolled six times: in 1938, 1942, 1980, 1990, 1999, and 2019.[25]

The Constitution states that it is the highest law of the land and grants the Supreme Court of Ireland authority to interpret its provisions, and to strike down the laws of the Oireachtas and activities of the Government it finds to be unconstitutional. Under judicial review the quite broad meaning of certain articles has come to be explored and expanded upon since 1937.

The Supreme Court ruled that Articles 2 and 3, before their alteration in 1999, did not impose a positive obligation upon the state that could be enforced in a court of law. The reference in Article 41 to the family's "imprescriptible rights, antecedent and superior to all positive law" has been interpreted by the Supreme Court as conferring upon spouses a broad right to privacy in marital affairs. In McGee v. The Attorney General (1974) the court invoked this right to strike down laws banning the sale of contraceptives. The court also issued a controversial interpretation of Article 40.3.3°, which before its replacement in 2018 prohibited abortion. In Attorney General v. X (1992), commonly known as the "X case", the Supreme Court ruled that the state must permit an abortion where there is a danger to her life, including a risk of suicide.

As originally enacted in 1937, Article 2 asserted that "the whole island of Ireland, its islands and the territorial seas" formed a single "national territory", while Article 3 asserted that the Oireachtas had a right "to exercise jurisdiction over the whole of that territory". These articles offended Unionists in Northern Ireland, who considered them tantamount to an illegal extraterritorial claim.

Under the terms of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, Articles 2 and 3 were amended to remove any reference to a "national territory", and to state that a united Ireland should only come about with the consent of majorities in both the jurisdictions on the island of Ireland. The amended Articles also guarantee the people of Northern Ireland the right to be a "part of the Irish Nation", and to Irish citizenship.

The Constitution guarantees freedom of worship, and forbids the state from creating an established church.

Article 44.1 as originally enacted explicitly "recognised" a number of Christian denominations, such as the Anglican Church of Ireland, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, as well as "the Jewish Congregations". It also recognised the "special position" of the Roman Catholic Church. These provisions were removed by the Fifth Amendment in 1973 (see below). Nevertheless, the constitution still contains a number of explicit religious references, such as in the preamble, the declaration made by the President, and the remaining text of Article 44.1, which reads:

The State acknowledges that the homage of public worship is due to Almighty God. It shall hold His Name in reverence, and shall respect and honour religion.

The Constitution had, from 1983 to 2018, contained a prohibition of abortion. From 1992 the constitution did not prohibit the distribution of information about abortion services in other countries or the right of freedom of travel to procure an abortion. In theory, the prohibition of abortion did not apply in cases where there was a threat to the life of the mother (including from risk of suicide), though the 2012 death of Savita Halappanavar suggested that the practical position was a total prohibition.

A number of ideas still found in the Constitution reflect the Catholic social teachings when the original text was drafted. Such teachings informed the provisions of the (non-binding) Directive Principles of Social Policy, as well as the system of vocational panels used to elect the Senate. The Constitution also grants very broadly worded rights to the institution of the family.

As originally enacted, the Constitution also included a prohibition on divorce. The ban on divorce was not removed until 1996.

The remaining religious provisions of the Constitution, including the wording of the Preamble, remain controversial and widely debated.[26]

The Constitution guarantees women the right to vote and to nationality and citizenship on an equal basis with men. It also contains a provision, Article 41.2, which states:

1° [...] the State recognises that by her life within the home, woman gives to the State a support without which the common good cannot be achieved. 2° The State shall, therefore, endeavour to ensure that mothers shall not be obliged by economic necessity to engage in labour to the neglect of their duties in the home.

In 1949 the Irish state abandoned its few remaining constitutional ties with the British monarchy, and it was declared by an Act of the Oireachtas that the term "Republic of Ireland" could be used as a "description" for the Irish state. However, there is debate as to whether or not the state was a republic in the period 1937–1949; between these dates the state was not described in any law as a republic. The current text of the Constitution does not mention the word "republic", but does for example assert that all power is derived, "under God, from the people" (Article 6.1).

Debate largely focuses on the question of whether, before 1949, the head of state was the President of Ireland or King George VI. The Constitution did not directly refer to the King, but also did not (and still does not) state that the President was head of state. The President exercised most of the usual internal functions of a head of state, such as formally appointing the Government, and promulgating laws.

In 1936, before the enactment of the existing Constitution, George VI had been declared "By the Grace of God, of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Dominions beyond the Seas King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India" and, under the External Relations Act of the same year, it was this King who formally represented the state in its foreign affairs. Treaties, for example, were signed in the name of the King, who also accredited ambassadors and received the letters of credence of foreign diplomats. Representing a state abroad is seen by many scholars as the key characteristic of a head of state. This role meant, in any case, that George VI was the Head of State in the eyes of foreign nations.[27]

so long as Saorstát Éireann [i.e. the Irish Free State] is associated with the following nations, that is to say, Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand and South Africa [i.e. the dominions then within the Commonwealth], and so long as the King recognised by those nations as the symbol of their co-operation continues to act on behalf of each of those nations (on the advice of the several Governments thereof) for the purposes of the appointment of diplomatic and consular representatives and the conclusion of international agreements, the King so recognised may, and is hereby authorised to, act on behalf of Saorstát Éireann for the like purposes as and when advised by the Executive Council so to do."

However, the removal of the King's constitutional position within Ireland was brought about in 1948 not by any change to the Constitution but by ordinary law (the Republic of Ireland Act 1948). Since the Irish state was unambiguously a republic after 1949 (when the 1948 Act came into operation) and the same Constitution was in force prior to that time, some have argued that the Irish state was in reality a republic from the Constitution's enactment in 1937.

The constitution begins with words "We, the people of Éire". It then declares, in Article 4, that the name of the state is "Éire, or, in the English language, Ireland". The text of the draft constitution as originally introduced into the Dáil had simply stated that the state was to be called Éire, and that term was used throughout the text of the draft constitution. However, the English text of the draft constitution was amended during the parliamentary debates to replace "Éire" with "Ireland".[28] (The only exceptions were the preamble, in which "Éire" is used alone, and Article 4, which was amended so as to refer to both "Éire" and the alternative English language name of "Ireland".) The name of the state was the subject of a long dispute between the British and Irish governments, which has since been resolved.[29][how?]

Article 41.1.1° of the Constitution "recognises the Family as the natural primary and fundamental unit group of Society, and as a moral institution possessing inalienable and imprescriptible rights, antecedent and superior to all positive law", and guarantees its protection by the state. As of 29 August 2015, Article 41.4 states "Marriage may be contracted in accordance with law by two persons without distinction as to their sex", thereby allowing both opposite and same-sex partners to marry. However, these rights and protections are not extended to every family unit, such as single parents or unmarried opposite-sex or same-sex co-habiters.

The institution of marriage enjoys a privileged position in the Constitution. A family exclusively based on marriage is envisaged: Article 41.3.1° states that "[t]he State pledges itself to guard with special care the institution of Marriage, on which the Family is founded". The effect is that non-marital unit members are not entitled to any of the encompassed protections, including those under the realms of tax, inheritance, and social welfare, granted by Article 41. For example, in State (Nicolaou) v. An Bord Uchtála [1966] IR 567, where an unmarried father, who had become estranged from the mother of his child some months after living and caring for the same child together, was prevented from invoking the provisions of Article 41 to halt the mother's wishes of putting the child up for adoption. The then Mr. Justice Walsh of the Supreme Court stated that "the family referred to in [Article 41 was] the family which is founded on the institution of marriage".

Article 40.3.3° was inserted into the Constitution in 1983 by the Eighth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland. The Eighth Amendment recognised "the unborn" as having a right to life equal to that of "the mother".[30] Accordingly, abortions could only be legally conducted in Ireland as part of a medical intervention performed to save the life of the pregnant woman, including a pregnant woman at risk of suicide.[31] On 25 May 2018, a referendum was held asking whether the Eighth Amendment should be repealed. A majority voted to repeal, and the Eighth Amendment was subsequently repealed on 18 September 2018 via the passage of the Thirty-sixth Amendment.[32]

Recent polls suggest that more than 70 percent of the Irish public believe that the Irish Constitution should be amended to protect human rights like the right to health and social security.[33]

In February 2014, the Convention on the Irish Constitution (2014) voted to constitutionalise rights to health, housing, and adequate living standards. Successive Irish governments, however, have thus far not acted upon its recommendations to constitutionalise new economic and social rights.

Civil society groups have articulated and mobilised for socio-economic rights in response to the state’s handling of the 2008 crisis, particularly its nationalising of private banking debts and imposition of austerity. The Right2Water campaign (2015) mobilised tens of thousands of people in support of the constitutional recognition of a right to water, as well as rights to decent work, health, housing, education, debt justice, and democratic reform. Civil society organisations continue to call for a constitutional right to housing to address homelessness.[34]

A number of discrepancies have been identified between the Irish language and English language texts of the Constitution. According to Article 25.5.4° the Irish text prevails in such cases. The second amendment resolved some of these in 1941 with changes to the Irish language texts of Articles 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 28 and 34 which had no corresponding change to the English language text.

Perhaps the most significant remaining discrepancy between the two texts of the Constitution is to be found in the subsection stipulating the minimum age for a candidate to be eligible for election as President (Art. 12.4.1°). According to the English text, an eligible candidate "has reached his thirty-fifth year of age", whereas the Irish text has this as "ag a bhfuil cúig bliana tríochad slán" ("has completed his thirty-five years").

A person's first year begins when he or she is born and ends the day before his or her first birthday. A first birthday is the beginning of his second year. Accordingly, the thirty-fifth year of age is reached on a person's thirty-fourth birthday. In contrast a person has completed their first year on their first birthday and their thirty-fifth year on their thirty-fifth birthday.[35] This can be contrasted with Article 16.1.2˚ regarding the entitlement to vote for Dáil Éireann which states this as those "who have reached the age of eighteen years".

The Constitution has been subjected to a series of formal reviews.[36]

The Inter-Party Committee on the Implications of Irish Unity addressed constitutional issues in relation to Northern Ireland. Its work was continued by the 1973 All-Party Oireachtas Committee on Irish Relations and later by the 1982 Constitution Review Body, a group of legal experts under the chairmanship of the Attorney General. Neither of the 1972 groups published a report.
The New Ireland Forum was established in 1983, and its report in 1984 covered some constitutional issues.
In October 1994, the government established a Forum for Peace and Reconciliation, which considered some constitutional issues relating to Northern Ireland. The Forum suspended its work in February 1996 but met once more in December 1997.
A Constitutional Convention composed both of citizen members and elected representatives examined a number of specific measures and proposed their amendment

The All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution was established in 1996.

The First All-Party Committee (1996–1997), chaired by Fine Gael TD Jim O'Keeffe, published two progress reports in 1997:

The Second All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution (1997–2002) was chaired by Fianna Fáil TD Brian Lenihan. It published five progress reports:

The Third All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution (2002–2007) was chaired by Fianna Fáil TD Denis O'Donovan. It described its task as being to "complete the programme of constitutional amendments begun by the earlier committees, aimed at renewing the Constitution in all its parts, for implementation over a number of years". It described the job as "unprecedented", noting that "no other state with the referendum as its sole mechanism for constitutional change has set itself so ambitious an objective".[50]

The committee divided its work into considering three types of amendment: